Somalis are not different from other societies in that none could meet its basic collective needs without an effective public power. While this is uniform across the modern world, the imperative is greatest among late developing and, therefore, brittle societies. The state is not and cannot be everything but its absence is a form of acute social homelessness. The condition of the past fifteen years testifies to the cost of having no national governance. Another decade or more of the present situation is a horrible option to contemplate – Somalia will sink deeper into further retailing of identities, physical and material insecurity, and international irrelevance, contempt, and abuse.

There has been a series of national reconciliation meetings to rebuild the Somali state. In this latest attempt, it was agreed upon to adopt a federal system. The Transitional Federal Government is expected to design the nature and operational features of Somali federalism. Despite the fact that the type of government to be adopted was highly contentious, this decision seals for the time being the form that such a government would take.

Federalism

This form of governance underscores the sharing of power between regions/provinces and a central authority. Though the nuances vary, in a federal system, the central government solely designs and manages areas such as defence, foreign policy, and fiscal policy. Moreover, it shares with the regions responsibilities like revenue generation, education, transportation and communication, heath care, law and order, judiciary, public administration, etc. Despite the distribution of power between the central structures and the provinces, at its best a mark of democratic autonomy for the latter, Federalism also carries some potential dangers. First, and particularly in the current climate, there is the difficulty of establishing legitimate provinces. Where does one draw the boundaries? Second, what becomes of equity/equality in those potential regions that will house within their zones different kin groups? What would be the lines of accountability between the province and the federal state? What about the financial and bureaucratic burden of this level of new administrative structure?

Recommendations
A key and immediate challenge of the new state is to initiate the re-cultivation of the ethos of collective belonging and solidarity among the Somali people. In addition, we offer two categories of specific recommendations: one for the Somalis and the other for the international community.

What the Somalis ought to do:
Summon a spirit of repentance. The disorder that has engulfed Somalia is a manifestation of individual and collective failures of immense proportions. Justice should be the keynote for the new order yet scores ought not to be settled through vengeance. On the contrary, what is needed is the courage on the part of individuals and communities to ask for forgiveness and, by the same token extend it to others. Such an attitude could help Somalis imagine forward the people that they may become and embolden the new state to kindle an even stronger sense of “asabiya” or “Soomaalinimo”.

Establish a lean and agile national structure that can absorb and respond to the vicissitudes of everyday life, as well as quickly focus on the most important of the urgent national needs. The new portfolios of the transitional regime should be no more than a dozen, the antithesis of the logic behind the quantitative formation of the new Parliament. Moreover, the new transitional government ought to re-visit the wisdom of a national parliament with 275 seats. The objective should be to tailor the total number to a sum commensurate with the Somali population and the reality of the resources of the country.

Stress the criteria of integrity and competence in the creation of the apparatuses of the state, particularly leadership, administrative personnel, and the judiciary.

The international community:
Insist that the new transitional regime be made of a small cluster of critical portfolios [no more than a dozen]. Competence and a record of integrity, among others, ought to be used as criteria for each appointment.

Investment in the establishment of the forces of order and justice

Investment in a non-partisan and independent civic forum for the generation of new ideas that will trigger constructive debate and discussion during the transition period. This could become the nucleus for a new public radio system.

Carry out an inventory of highly qualified Somalis who have earned degrees from internationally accredited post secondary institutions.